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    Джеймс Мэдисон

    Об этой статье мне рассказал мой товарищ, которому нужен был , и он нашел его очень быстро через сайт. Репетитор успешно подготовил его к сдаче ЕГЭ, и тот выдержал экзамен блестяще.
    As British troops neared the White House during the War of 1812, First Lady Dolley Madison grabbed Gilbert Stuart’s painting of George Washington, hurriedly removed it from its frame, rolled it up, and gave it to someone for safekeeping. Soon after, the British arrived and burned the presidential residence, leaving it scorched and the country humiliated. President James Madison, absent from the scene, had for several years worked
    beside Washington’s canvas presence; the general’s stature as revolutionary hero constant reminder of wise leadership. Now Madison’s conduct in allowing the British to invade gave an opposite impression; it appeared to be the epitome of incompetence, even cowardice. "A lot of people consider [Madison] very nearly a failure as a President,” says historian Lance Banning, "a very mediocre President at best.” k James Madison was born on March 16, 1751, at Port Conway, Virginia, to James Madison and Eleanor Conway Madison and grew up on his family’s plantation in Orange County. His father owned thousands of acres and served as leader of the local militia, justice of the peace, and vestryman in the Anglican Church. Young James received a basic education from his parents and at age 11 entered a school taught by Donald Robertson on a nearby plantation. Wealth surrounded James in his youth, as did the structure and pace of a planter’s life—the sheds, barns, harvests, and, most tellingly, the slave cabins. At age 18, James debated whether to continue his education by enrolling at the College of William and Mary. Many planters’ sons went to school there, but James disliked both the unhealthy climate in Williamsburg and the reputation the college had for dissolute and drunken professors. As a result, in 1769 he entered the College of New Jersey (later renamed Princeton). He arrived a serious and bookish young man, and although as a student he participated fully in the college’s social life, including pranks pulled on classmates, he remained a voracious reader who would go weeks at a time sleeping only four to five hours a night in order to pursue his studies. His friends often sought him out to discuss philosophy. When he graduated in September 1771, Madison initially had no idea what to do with his future. Life as a planter held little appeal, and, besides, he liked his books. As a result, he stayed at the college until April 1772, during which time he pursued his intellectual activities. He then returned to Virginia sickly and still undecided; his friends described him as feeble and pale, and he probably suffered from a nervous disorder. James decided to study law, but more as a way to understand politics better than to become a trial lawyer. He wrote a friend: "I intend myself to read Law occasionally and have procured books for that purpose so that you need not fear offending me by Allusions to that science.” He often read all morning and afternoon, sometimes staying in his room until evening, when he ate dinner and socialized with his family. Soon a momentous event gave him direction: the American Revolution. In 1774 Britain reacted to the Boston Tea Party by imposing the Coercive Acts (known as the Intolerable Acts in the colonies), which sought to isolate Massachusetts through punitive measures. Madison condemned the laws and said Parliament had no legislative authority over the colonies. In December he and his father won election to the Orange County Commission, organized to enforce legislation passed by the Continental Congress. At the same time they helped obtain arms and supplies for the militia. An ardent supporter of the Revolution, young Madison was "suspicious of anyone who showed, or seemed to show, the slightest backwardness or caution” toward the Patriot cause. In April 1776, just weeks before America declared its independence, Madison won election to the Virginia Convention, knowing that it would formally establish a government outside British control. He served on a committee to compose a declaration of rights but exerted little influence until, in a debate over religious freedom, he convinced his colleagues to accept language that made possible the separation of church and state. Beginning in November 1777, Madison served on the governor’s council. When
    Thomas Jefferson succeeded Patrick Henry as governor in 1779, Madison developed a close friendship with the new executive. Although Jefferson was Madison’s senior by several years, they had earlier exchanged ideas and now found themselves in unison on several topics, particularly religious freedom. In December 1779 Madison accepted appointment to the Continental Congress and became its youngest delegate. He arrived in Philadelphia with his slave servant the following March. Here he developed more thoroughly his position on national issues, and despite an innate shyness he quickly earned respect for his sharp mind. A nationalist, he favored a vibrant central government supported by the power to tax. Otherwise, he said, the government would be feeble, the states would be divided by factions, and foreign aid would "be called in by first the weaker [and] then the stronger side, and finally both be made subservient to the wars and politics of Europe.” An internationalist, he firmly supported an alliance with France and wanted America to exert its influence on European affairs. Observers at Philadelphia reached different conclusions about Madison’s character. One claimed he was impetuous, that he lacked grace and ease; another pictured him as "a gloomy, stiff creature . . . the most unsociable creature in existence.” Yet another called him "well-educated, wise, temperate, gentle, [and] studious.” Most considered the diminutive Madison cold and aloof in large gatherings, congenial in small ones, and a skillful politician. When the new nation’s governing document, the Articles of Confederation, proved inadequate, Madison supported change and was among the 55 delegates to the Constitutional Convention that convened at Philadelphia in May 1787. There he expressed his nationalist views and insisted the government needed effective taxing power. Madison emerged as the most important figure in writing the Constitution; he proposed most of the major ideas, including the Virginia Plan, which called for each state’s representation in Congress to be based on population. The convention agreed to that formula for the House of Representatives, but a dispute arose over whether to count slaves as people in determining the number of seats. Southerners wanted to count them; Northerners did not. Madison then suggested a compromise, eventually adopted, whereby each slave would be counted as three-fifths of a person. Despite aligning with his fellow Southerners, Madison differed from many of them in his hatred of slavery. Believing it to be economically unwise and morally unjust, he longed for the day it would be ended but submerged his views for the sake of building a united national government. Once written, the Constitution required ratification by the states to take effect—from Madison’s view an event essential to saving the nation. The tight battle between those who supported and those who opposed the Constitution resulted in Madison joining New Yorkers Alexander Hamilton and John Jay to write a series of essays that appeared in newspapers. Later called The Federalist, they eloquently parried complaints about the Constitution. Jay wrote only five of the 77 treatises, Hamilton over half, Madison the rest. Madison’s Federalist No. 10, published in the New York Advertiser on November 22, 1787, ranked among the most important of the essays, for in it he argued effectively against the widely held belief that a republic could never survive in a large country. He wrote that a small country would be susceptible to a few parties and factions running the government and oppressing the people. But, "extend the sphere, and you take in a greater variety of parties and interests; you make it less probable that a majority of the whole will have a common motive to invade the rights of other citizens; or if such a common motive exists, it will be more difficult for all who feel it to discover their own strength, and to act in unison with each other.” In 1789 Madison won election to the U.S. House of Representatives, where he served for eight years. They turned out to be eventful ones, for during that time a two-party system
    emerged in Congress in reaction to financial proposals made by the treasury secretary, Alexander Hamilton and to diplomatic relations with Britain and France. After Hamilton and his supporters organized the Federalist Party, Madison joined Thomas Jefferson in forming the Republican Party. In 1794 Madison married Dorothea Payne Todd, called Dolley, the 26-year-old widow of a Quaker lawyer. Born in North Carolina and raised in Virginia, Dolley had lived in Philadelphia since 1783, when her father moved his family there. Three years after Madison married Dolley, he retired from Congress and returned to Montpelier, the 5,000-acre family plantation in Orange County, Virginia, where his aging father needed help. He worked to diversify the crop, to rely less on tobacco, and to speculate in western lands. He relied heavily on slave labor, though he was uncomfortable with it. While Madison was at Montpelier, in 1798 the Federalist-dominated Congress, reacting to a crisis that threatened war with France, passed the Alien and Sedition Acts, which made it illegal to criticize the national government. In response, Madison wrote a document for his state legislature, called the Virginia Resolutions, in which he asserted the acts violated the principles of free government and of the Constitution. He said the states have the right to protect liberty from such assaults, and he called for other states to join Virginia in declaring the acts unconstitutional. He refused, however, to claim that any state could nullify a law passed by Congress. Madison returned to national politics in 1801 when he accepted an appointment as President Thomas Jefferson’s secretary of state. He accomplished little, though, largely because Jefferson handled most of the department’s affairs himself. Still, his position in the government and his continuing friendship with Jefferson placed him next in line for the presidency. Although Virginia congressman John Randolph of Roanoke, an intemperate, eccentric, but powerful leader in the House, tried to excite opposition among his fellow Republicans to Madison’s candidacy for president, he failed. Madison, whom Jefferson once called "the greatest man in the world,” went on in 1808 to defeat Federalist candidate Charles Cotesworth Pinkney by an electoral vote of 122 to 47. When Madison entered the presidency, the still young United States was composed of 17 states; its territory stretched to the Rocky Mountains, but with a free population of about 7 million, vast stretches remained unpopulated or lightly populated by whites. James Madison arrived at his inauguration in plain dress: black knee breeches, a black jacket, light vest, scarf, and stockings. Louisa Catherine Adams, wife of John Quincy Adams, described him as "a very small man in his person, with a very large head—his manners were peculiarly unassuming; and his conversation lively, often playful. . . . His language was chaste, well suited to occasion, and the simple expression of the passing thought . . . in harmony with the taste of his hearers.” Madison’s plain style complemented his republican outlook. He believed America’s survival and growth proved that people could govern themselves, and he wanted the nation to continue that way by emphasizing farming. In an agrarian society, he said, each person could own his own land and maintain his independence. Madison also wanted some diversity in the economy and advocated a laissez-faire policy, whereby the government would intervene little in business and finance. As a strong unionist, he sought to expand the nation in a way that would benefit all sections while keeping America out of war. To this end, he realized that something would have to be done about Jefferson’s foreign policy, which had failed to protect America’s neutrality in the conflict then underway between Britain and France. From the start of his presidency, Madison encountered opposition from Federalists. Several of them believed the Virginian wielded little real power and that either Jefferson or some Republican group manipulated
    him. Samuel Taggart, a congressman from Massachusetts, said in a letter: "M———n is a mere puppet or a cypher managed by some chief faction who are behind the curtain.” Troubles with fellow Republicans may have given the impression that Madison worked from a position of weakness rather than strength. When the president notified Senator William Branch Giles that he intended to nominate Albert Gallatin for secretary of state, the senator, who thought himself more worthy of the office and, in any event, disliked Gallatin’s opposition to his patronage requests, rallied others to thwart the plan. To avoid what would likely be a losing fight, Madison reconsidered, though to keep Gallatin in the cabinet he appointed him secretary of the treasury. For Giles and others in Congress, the real substance to the battle was to see who would rule the roost—and Madison had his feathers plucked. Like Thomas Jefferson, James Madison believed that a high national debt was injurious to republicanism because it unduly benefited a wealthy elite. In addition to lowering the debt, he wanted to lower taxes and establish a frugal government. His tight budgets kept the diplomatic corps small and, some said, understaffed and restricted the army to only a few frontier posts while keeping the navy’s battleships in dry dock. From his home in Virginia, Jefferson agreed with these measures, telling Gallatin that debt reduction was "vital to the destinies of our government.” To Madison’s critics, his handling of a scandal involving General James Wilkinson confirmed his pusillanimous nature. Ordered to take his men to New Orleans to guard against a foreign invasion, Wilkinson stationed them at Terre aux Boeufs in swampy terrain. Although malaria and scurvy exacted an enormous toll and 800 men died, Wilkinson refused to relocate. The deaths, along with letters of complaint written by soldiers to their congressmen, led to a court-martial and a report that pointed to Wilkinson as incompetent. It was left up to Madison to determine his fate. If the president removed Wilkinson, it would be a slap at Thomas Jefferson who had promoted the besmirched figure to general. After reporting the matter to Jefferson, Madison decided to place Wilkinson back in the command from which he had been suspended. His decision helped to politicize the army and assure he would be surrounded by incompetent generals. Historian Robert Allen Rutland says that with this move Madison "in effect became a buckpasser instead of a courageous leader.” Yet the president passed no buck when American settlers in Spanish-controlled West Florida declared their independence in 1810. In October he sent in troops and proclaimed the territory a part of the United States, saying it was included in the Louisiana Purchase made seven years earlier. In 1811 Madison took military action against rebellious Indians led by Tecumseh in Indiana Territory; and William Henry Harrison defeated the Native Americans at Tippecanoe. Madison’s most important challenge, however, came from Britain. Since the 1790s the British, at war with France, had been stopping and searching American merchant ships in an attempt to disrupt trade and force sailors into the Royal Navy, a policy known as impressment. Madison agreed with Jefferson that in violating America’s neutrality, Britain was a great enemy, and he deplored both the presence of the Royal Navy near American ports and America’s close ties to the British economy. Still, the president opposed war with any European nation as disruptive to the unsettled American experiment in republican government. His view was in keeping with his earlier role in formulating President Jefferson’s disastrous embargo, which had tried to squeeze the British economy and force concessions by prohibiting American ships from engaging in overseas trade. In 1810 Congress passed Macon’s Bill No. 2, which allowed American ships to trade with both Britain and France but stated that if either nation recognized American neutrality, the United States would end its trade with the other, unless the recalcitrant nation also took the same action. As a result, French ruler
    Napoleon declared that his country would end its attacks on American ships. President Madison then publicly announced Napoleon’s promise and said the British must do likewise or American trade with them would be halted. Madison having made his warning, Napoleon double-crossed him by seizing American ships in French ports. The president could either embarrass himself by rescinding his proclamation, or he could ignore Napoleon’s seizures. He chose to ignore them. War seemed likely anyhow, and when it came he wanted it to be with Britain rather than France. Madison would get his preference. The British refused to suspend their assaults on American ships. At the same time, War Hawks, the congressional faction that favored military action, looked voraciously at Canada, then owned by Britain. War, they believed, would allow the United States to conquer the territory quickly. For his part, President Madison was disgusted with Britain for treating the United States like a colony unworthy of inclusion in international councils. War seemed the surest way to reaffirm America’s independence and protect its republican experiment. In June 1812 Congress, meeting in closed session, declared war on Britain by a 79-49 vote in the House and a close 19-13 vote in the Senate; if only three more senators had decided against war, Madison would have been humiliated by a tie. The war declaration actually came after Britain had decided to end its attacks on American ships but before news of the decision reached Madison and Congress. The War Hawks talked brashly about an easy victory. South Carolina senator John C. Calhoun said: "I believe that in four weeks . . . the whole of Upper Canada and a part of Lower Canada will be in our power.” Madison concurred, stating that an adequate force could "be obtained in a short time, and be sufficient to reduce Canada from Montreal upward.” He also believed that with the Atlantic Ocean serving as a barrier between the United States and Britain, the British would be hard pressed to either defend Canada or launch an assault on American soil. The president, however, almost immediately encountered problems that threatened doom. First, he presided over a poorly equipped military, the responsibility for which rested largely with him and his fellow Republicans. As seen with the Wilkinson affair, Madison had allowed incompetent generals to lead the army, and his pursuit of a balanced budget had cost the military dearly in troops and ships. Second, he contrived a faulty strategy for attacking Canada, a three-pronged assault that by November was clearly a failure. Third, as the vote in the Senate had revealed, America was deeply divided over the war. New England offered the fiercest opposition, fearing a conflict would ruin its trade with Britain. The region which, because of its extensive shipping, stood to benefit most from forcing Britain to respect American neutrality, ridiculed the entire venture by calling it "Mr. Madison’s War.” Americans did celebrate a few victories in the early stages of the conflict, most notably Commander Oliver Hazard Perry’s defeat of a British fleet on Lake Erie. "We have met the enemy and they are ours,” Perry said, adding to the country’s patriotic lexicon. By and large, though, the fighting went miserably—the British, for example, captured Buffalo, New York, in 1813—with no indication that Canadians wanted to join the United States or that James Madison could serve as an effective commander in chief. The picture grew darker when in April 1814 Napoleon abdicated as ruler of France, signaling a British victory in Europe. Britain could now turn its full military power against America. Washington buzzed with rumors: Thousands of British troops would soon attack the capital, and Britain would force the United States to return Louisiana to Spain. As President Madison dropped his demand that impressment be covered in any agreement to end the war, the first rumor came true. On August 22, 1814, about 4,000 British troops marched along the banks of the Potomac River, headed for Washington. The following day
    chaos took over as thousands of residents fled in wagons loaded with personal items and clogged the roads west of the capital. On August 24 militiamen assigned to defend Washington joined the flight; one British officer who witnessed the behavior said he had never seen troops behave so poorly. Madison had thus been wrong in thinking the militia could effectively defend the capital, and he blundered in allowing an incompetent leader to command the forces. With the British troops closing in, Dolley Madison hurriedly loaded a wagon with silver items from the White House and retrieved the Gilbert Stuart painting. She left just ahead of the invaders to join her husband outside the city. The British soldiers marched into Washington and torched the White House, the Capitol, and several offices used by the executive departments. Although the troops pillaged little, the raid and word of America’s leaders retreating caused deep embarrassment for the young nation. Several days after the attack, a British fleet bombarded Fort McHenry, near Baltimore. American gunners kept the enemy far enough away that the assault caused little damage, but the battle’s exploding bombs were witnessed by Francis Scott Key, who memorialized the scene in "The Star-Spangled Banner.” In September Captain Thomas McDonough achieved an American naval victory on Lake Champlain, stopping British plans to sweep through upstate New York. Weary from its long war with France and seeing there would be little to gain in continuing its fight, Britain decided to soften its position at negotiations in Ghent, Belgium, and reach a settlement with the United States. Before this occurred, however, delegates from Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode Island met at a regional conference called the Hartford Convention. A few extremists at the meeting raised the possibility that New England might secede from the Union should the war continue. At the same time one Federalist newspaper in Boston went so far as to say Madison should resign as a peace offering to Britain. While the extremists tried to rally more support, negotiators from the United States and Britain signed the Treaty of Ghent on December 24, 1814, officially ending the War of 1812. Despite the treaty, a bloody fight occurred at New Orleans on January 8, 1815, as slow communications delayed news of the signing. During the Battle of New Orleans, British forces launched a frontal assault against American troops commanded by Andrew Jackson. In less than two hours British casualties surpassed 2,000, while the Americans lost only 13 dead and 39 wounded. News of the American victory reached Washington on February 4, sending the city into a raucous celebration. Like a chameleon against the political landscape, Madison had suddenly changed color, from blunderer to hero. The Treaty of Ghent, which reached the president on February 14, stipulated there would be no territorial changes or reparations; all prisoners of war would be sent home; slaves taken from American planters would be returned to them; and commissions would be established to settle boundary disputes. Though the treaty ignored the issue of impressment, the Senate ratified it on February 16. An objective observer would say the United States won little from the war. The great prize, Canada, remained British, and the seizure of American sailors remained unresolved. But the Battle of New Orleans bathed everything in red, white, and blue; it seemed to have saved the country from defeat, and even if it had not, it lent force to the view that America had stood up for its rights against the most powerful nation on earth in what amounted to a second war of independence. Albert Gallatin commented: "The war has renewed and reinstated the national feelings . . . which the Revolution had given, and which were daily lessened.” With the war over, President Madison reversed the Republican policy that previously favored limited government. In December 1815 he called for Congress to charter a national
    bank, fund internal improvements, and levy a protective tariff. Madison differed from earlier Republican politics in another way: The national debt, which he and Jefferson had once considered anathema, stood at a record high of $120 million as a result of the war. Although some Republicans fought Madison’s proposals, in the spring of 1816 Congress approved a national bank and voted money to build the Cumberland Road, which began in Maryland. In time this reversal in Republican policy would breed enough dissent to form a new political party. At the end of his second term in March 1817, James Madison returned with Dolley to their home in Virginia. He retired from public life for nearly a decade and then succeeded Jefferson as rector of the University of Virginia in 1826. Three years later he served as a delegate to the Virginia Constitutional Convention, where he criticized the power wielded by eastern slaveholders in the state legislature. Madison died on June 28, 1836, after a series of illnesses, including a painful eruption over his entire body that weakened him greatly. His valet, Paul Jennings, reported: "For six months before his death, he was unable to walk, and spent most of his time reclining on a couch.” James Madison has often been compared to his predecessors in the White House and found wanting. More than any other event, the War of 1812 defined his presidency, and the attack on Washington sullied it. Yet Madison left office with the national economy prosperous and with the country more united than ever, steeped in a fervid nationalism that came from having stood up to Britain. Moreover, his career included his invaluable, even indispensable role as "father of the Constitution.” The measurement of Madison’s accomplishments may have less to do with burned structures in Washington than with the mortar of nationalism he applied to the building of
    American liberty.

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