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    Джеймс Монро

    Эту статью мне посоветовал мой знакомый, который недавно приобрел http://www.boutique-optica.ru/tomford/page/1/, которые действительно берегут глаза. Он оценил их действие на одном из курортов Египта и сказал, что это лучшие солнцезащитные очки в его жизни. Ingrained in America’s heritage, the Monroe Doctrine declares the Western Hemisphere to be in a "free and independent condition” and asserts that the countries within it "are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers.” For President James Monroe the doctrine expressed his determination to protect U.S. security and promote the spirit of revolutionary freedom then taking hold in Spanish America. Monroe was the last president to have fought as an officer in the American Revolution, and he wanted the ideals of 1776 to remain alive as a
    beacon to people overseas and to citizens at home, who would live in unity attached to republican principles. Yet domestically his desires ran into problems. In his first term he overcame party divisions and brought Americans together into an "Era of Good Feelings;” but during his second term a divisive sectional conflict threatened the very survival of the United States. k Like Presidents George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, and James Madison, Monroe came from Virginia’s landed class, but his family belonged to the gentry’s lower ranks. Born on April 28, 1758, in Westmoreland County to Spence Monroe and Elizabeth Jones Monroe, James grew up on a 500-acre farm worked by slaves. His formal education began at age 11 when he enrolled at Campbelltown Academy. In 1774 his father died, and James and his uncle, Joseph Jones, a judge in Fredricksburg, managed the estate. Jones encouraged young Monroe to pursue politics and thought his prospects could be enhanced if he attended the College of William and Mary. James had learned his Latin and math so thoroughly that when he enrolled there later that year, he was placed in its upper division. Events soon took James away from William and Mary, however. In 1775 fighting erupted between colonial and British troops in Massachusetts, and the following year the colonies declared their independence from Britain. Caught up in the revolutionary fervor, James enrolled as a cadet in the Third Virginia Infantry and was quickly commissioned a lieutenant. In December 1776, when George Washington’s troops crossed the Delaware to attack Hessian soldiers, Monroe led a company against two cannon. His men captured the weapons, but in the battle a Hessian severely wounded him in the shoulder with a musket shot. For his valor, James Monroe was promoted to captain and eventually to major. With no field command, though, he returned to Virginia in 1778. Acting on Washington’s recommendation, the legislature commissioned Monroe a lieutenant colonel. Unable to raise a regiment, he reentered William and Mary in 1780 and at the same time began reading law under Thomas Jefferson, who was then governor. When the state capital was moved from Williamsburg to Richmond, Monroe again left William and Mary, this time to continue his studies under Jefferson. In working together, the two men established a lasting friendship. Monroe entered politics in the spring of 1782 when he was elected to the Virginia House of Delegates. The following year, the legislature chose him to serve in the Confederation Congress at Philadelphia, where he shared lodgings with another delegate, his friend Thomas Jefferson. Several friends and acquaintances offered their assessment of Monroe’s character in the early stage of his political career: "He is a man whose soul might be turned wrong side outwards without discovering a blemish to the world,” Jefferson said. "My impressions of Mr. Monroe are very pleasing. He is tall and well-formed. His dress plain and in the old style, small clothes, silk hose, knee-buckles, and pumps fastened with buckles. His manner was quiet and dignified. From the frank, honest expression of his eye, which is said to be ‘the window of the soul,’ I think he well deserves the encomium passed upon him by the great Jefferson . . . ,” another Virginian said. "There is often in his manner an inartificial and even an awkward simplicity. . . . Mr. Monroe is a man of a most sincere and artless soul,” said a Briton, William Wirt. With a plain but friendly face and a warm smile, Monroe radiated honesty and sincerity. Though many found his intellect more limited than Jefferson’s, his commitment to hard work earned him praise. A traditionalist down to his knee buckles, throughout his career he firmly defended the republican principles he fought for in 1776. 42 James Monroe After Congress began holding its sessions in New York City in 1785, James Monroe met Elizabeth Kortright, the daughter of a wealthy but financially troubled merchant. He wrote to his friend James Madison, "If you visit this place shortly I will present you to a young lady who will be adopted a citizen of Virginia in the course of this week.” The couple married in 1786, and Monroe moved to Fredericksburg, where he practiced law. They had two daughters, only one of whom survived into adulthood. Monroe seldom strayed far from politics, and as the national government foundered, he supported action to strengthen it. After the Constitution was written to replace the Articles of Confederation, he was elected in 1788 as a delegate to the Virginia Ratifying Convention. Despite his desire for a stronger national government, he disliked the Constitution, viewing it as a threat to republican principles. He thought the Senate and the president should be popularly elected; he opposed giving Congress the power to levy direct taxes; he preferred militias to a standing army; and he wanted a bill of rights. In fact, five state ratifying conventions demanded such a bill when they called for immediate amendments to the Constitution to protect freedom of speech, freedom of religion, the right to a jury trial, and other basic liberties. After the Constitution was ratified, Congressman James Madison took the lead in recommending 12 amendments suggested by the states. Of these, 10 were approved. In the meantime, Virginia ratified the Constitution on a close 89-79 vote, putting Monroe on the losing side. The constitutional battle over, Monroe ran for Congress in 1788. James Madison, who had advocated ratification, defeated him, and the outcome reaffirmed Virginia’s support for the new document. In August 1789 Monroe moved from Fredericksburg to a farm in Charlottesville, near Jefferson’s home, Monticello. He returned to public office the following year when the state legislature elected him to the U.S. Senate. Monroe joined in the political battle then building in Congress. On one side of a heated debate, Secretary of the Treasury Alexander Hamilton pushed for a stronger national government that could use implied powers found in the Constitution to make the states impotent. On the other side, Congressman James Madison, along with Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson, opposed implied powers as dangerous to state prerogatives and individual liberty. Monroe joined his two Virginia colleagues in organizing the Republican Party to fight Hamilton’s Federalist Party. He rallied supporters in the Senate and told Jefferson: "Upon political subjects we perfectly agree, and particularly in the reprobation of all measures that may be calculated to elevate the government above the people.” In several essays he wrote for the National Gazette, a newspaper founded by fellow Republican Philip Freneau, he likened the French Revolution, which had begun in 1789, to the American Revolution and said those who condemned it condemned republicanism. Monroe’s strong sympathies for France soon caused him trouble. After President George Washington appointed him minister to that country in 1794, he made several public statements that compromised American negotiations with Britain. He called France America’s "ally and friend” and praised the "heroic valor of her troops.” As a result, Washington, who was under pressure from Federalists who hated the French Revolution for its assault on order, recalled Monroe. Once he returned home, the former minister vilified Washington’s foreign policy in a widely circulated pamphlet, one that Federalist leader Oliver Wolcott, Jr., condemned as "a wicked misrepresentation of facts.” With this attack Monroe deepened the rift between Republicans and Federalists. When the Republican-dominated Virginia legislature sought a governor in 1799, it recognized Monroe’s party loyalty and elected him. He won reelection in 1800 and again in 1801. Although the state constitution gave the governor little power, Monroe advocated several reforms, among them a system of public education,
    which he thought essential to a society where decisions depended on learned citizens. The legislature, however, rejected his proposal. Monroe returned to France in 1803 when President Thomas Jefferson sent him to join New Yorker Robert R. Livingston in negotiations for the purchase of Louisiana. Napoleon agreed to sell the territory before Monroe reached Paris, but he and Livingston negotiated the final treaty, an achievement that was hailed in the United States. Monroe then served as minister to Britain and tried but failed to resolve an Anglo-American dispute over shipping. Differences with James Madison caused Monroe to refrain from endorsing his colleague for the presidency in 1808. Instead, he allowed his own name to be offered as an alternative, though he did not promote himself. Madison’s subsequent victory seemed to signal Monroe’s political ruin, but he pledged to support the new president, and Jefferson stepped in to help heal the rift between them. Their relations again cooled after Madison offered Monroe the governorship of Louisiana Territory, which Monroe refused. He thought it an inferior position and considered its proffering an insult. Once more Jefferson smoothed the ruffled feathers. Monroe won election to the Virginia legislature in 1810, and in January 1811 he was again elected governor. In March President Madison asked him to serve as secretary of state, a post considered a stepping stone to the presidency; Monroe accepted. For Madison the appointment was opportune: It helped soothe factional divisions within the Republican Party at a time when the Federalists were gaining recruits to oppose his foreign policy, which was pointing toward war with Britain. The appointment served another purpose: It notified the British of Madison’s intent to deal firmly with them as they continued to violate American neutral rights by raiding ships flying the U.S. flag. Monroe had said the time was fast approaching for the United States to end "dealing in the small way of embargoes, nonintercourse, and non-importation with menaces of war.” His biographer Harry Ammon says the Virginian’s entry into the cabinet "made a resolution” of the dispute between Britain and the United States "inevitable,” either through treaty or force. When war erupted in 1812, and Madison’s discredited secretary of war, William Eustis, resigned that December, Monroe took over the post on an acting basis. Like many political leaders, he miscalculated when he thought the British were too preoccupied with their war in Europe to launch an effective attack against the United States, and he thought Canada an easy target for the American army. Before long, Monroe relinquished his war post and resumed his duties as secretary of state. He returned to lead the war department again in 1814, while retaining his post in the state department, after the British invaded and burned Washington, D.C. During the invasion, Monroe led a scouting party to gather information about enemy troop movements. At the War Department he enacted needed reforms and made the military more effective. As secretary of state he supervised the peace negotiations with Britain and drafted instructions for the negotiators to drop their demands that the enemy promise to end its impressment of American sailors, a decision on his part that helped speed an end to the war with the signing of the Treaty of Ghent. In March 1815, with the war over, he once more served full-time as secretary of state while preparing for the 1816 presidential contest. Although the United States did no better in the War of 1812 than fight Britain to a draw, Andrew Jackson’s defeat of the British at the Battle of New Orleans persuaded most Americans that they had won. Monroe received widespread acclaim for his work in the cabinet, and when added to his Revolutionary War background, it made him the leading candidate to succeed James Madison. A caucus of congressional Republicans made Monroe the party nominee in March 1816, picking him by a slight margin over William H. Crawford, Madison’s new secretary of war. To receive the nomination meant winning the presidency, for the Federalists had grown so weak that they had no official candidate, though they 44 James Monroe generally considered New York Senator Rufus King their standard bearer. Monroe won easily in the electoral college, with King carrying only three states. The New Yorker later said of his opponent: "[He] had the zealous support of nobody, and he was exempt from the hostility of Everybody.” When James Monroe entered the White House, he led a nation that was gradually moving away from its agrarian and rural roots. Even though the decade 1810 to 1820 was the only one in American history in which urbanization had failed to increase, the War of 1812 boosted manufacturing and made cities economically more important. At the same time, America’s population, concentrated heavily in the New England and Mid-Atlantic states, continued to push westward, with the number of people living in the Mississippi Valley increasing from 1.4 million in 1810 to 2.4 million in 1820. In yet another indication of America’s growth, five states entered the Union between 1817 and 1825, bringing the total to 24. In March 1817 Monroe departed on a tour of several northern states to survey the nation’s development. He hoped few people would notice him, but everywhere he went citizens poured out to greet him. In Trenton, New Jersey, bells rang and guns fired in salute, while city leaders, volunteer organizations, and large crowds hailed his arrival. Almost everyone thought such enthusiasm would be lacking in New England, an old Federalist stronghold. Amazingly, when the president arrived there the warm reception and excitement over his visit outshone the previous celebrations. Although a few Federalists criticized Monroe, partisan differences evaporated. The Independent Chronicle and Boston Patriot declared: "The visit of the President seems wholly to have allayed the storms of party. People now meet in the same room who would before scarcely pass the same street—and move in concert, where before the most jarring discord was the consequence of an accidental encounter.” William Crawford wrote to a friend: "A general absolution of political sins seems to have been mutually agreed upon.” Boston’s Columbian Centinel went so far as to declare an "era of good feelings.” Americans everywhere were basking in their self-proclaimed triumph over Britain, and the mauling of the redcoats at New Orleans was encouraging an all-embracing national unity. When Monroe traveled as far west as Detroit, he showed his oncern for the frontier as an integral part of the nation and expressed a nationalism that superseded any sectional differences. (Two years later he traveled to the South and West on an itinerary that included Augusta, Georgia, and Nashville, Tennessee.) America’s growth confronted the national government with an important issue: whether Congress should fund the development of internal improvements, such as roads and canals. On his trip Monroe learned how strongly the country wanted such projects for economic development. He favored the improvements, but with a logic that seems as tortured today as it was back then, he said Congress had no power under the Constitution to pay for them. Monroe had long held strong reservations about centralized power and had opposed the Constitution for that reason. True to his republican principles—some said blinded by them— he proposed that Congress send a constitutional amendment to the states for ratification, specifically enabling the national government to fund internal improvements. Most congressmen, however, not only favored building roads and canals, they believed Congress already possessed the power to finance them. Consequently, Monroe and Congress came to a stalemate. Within two years, though, the issue faded as the states paid for local improvements and an economic downturn pinched the national treasury, making money difficult to come by. President Monroe dealt with an overwhelmingly Republican Congress. Although in certain ways the political balance worked to his benefit, in other ways it worked against him. James Monroe 45 Bereft of strong opposition, the Republicans no longer felt compelled to maintain strict discipline, and they often opposed Monroe’s plans. At the same time several congressmen, such as Kentuckian Henry Clay, showed a greater interest in jockeying for the presidency than in supporting their Republican president. Still, Monroe won congressional approval for several of his programs. In working with his cabinet, Monroe sought to build consensus on important issues. According to Harry Ammon, "Some of the lengthiest sessions were those devoted to harmonizing conflicting opinions.” Monroe particularly turned to his cabinet for advice and support in a controversy involving General Andrew Jackson. In January 1818 Jackson was ordered by the secretary of war to contain and punish any Seminole Indians raiding American settlements from Florida, a territory then owned by Spain. In April Jackson crossed into Florida and seized the Spanish fort at St. Marks, claiming it was providing refuge to the Seminole Indians. While there he hanged two British citizens for inciting the Seminole tribe to war. In May Jackson attacked a fort in Pensacola and forced its surrender, heavy-handed tactics that inevitably caused problems with Spain. President Monroe told Congress he had given Jackson permission to enter Florida, but only in pursuit of the Indians, and then only with due respect for Spanish authority. (Secretary of War John C. Calhoun later contradicted this account when he said Jackson had been given full power to wage war as he thought best.) Monroe discussed Jackson’s military actions with his cabinet, and all except Secretary of State John Quincy Adams agreed the general had exceeded his orders in capturing the fort at Pensacola. Even Adams offered no resistance when the cabinet decided to renounce Jackson’s aggression and return the fort to Spain. A heated debate erupted in Congress over whether to censure Jackson, but the motion died when many congressmen concluded that to pass it would be interpreted as a slap at Monroe. Jackson later said the president had sent him a secret letter authorizing his incursion into Florida, but no evidence ever emerged to support his claim. Nevertheless, Monroe clearly knew the general’s temperament before he sent him to quell the Indian raids, and he himself wanted the Spanish removed from Florida. Historian Robert Remini asserts: "It would have been an act of supreme folly and irresponsibility to send Jackson on this mission if the administration truly meant to preserve the territorial integrity of Spanish Florida.” In February 1819 Monroe solved his border problem when John Quincy Adams negotiated a treaty with Spain after indicating that Andrew Jackson might again raid the territory. Under the Adams-Onis Treaty, the United States agreed to buy Florida for $5 million. In addition, the treaty settled the southwestern boundary with Spanish Texas. While the Era of Good Feelings defined Monroe’s early presidency, economic and sectional crises soon soured the atmosphere. In 1819 a depression hurt trade and caused high unemployment. Since few people at that time looked toward the national government for help in stimulating the economy, Monroe suffered little political damage, but the accompanying gloom punctured America’s optimism. Then in late 1819 differences between the North and South over slavery reached a fever pitch, ignited by Missouri’s request to be admitted into the Union as a slave state. Antislavery groups pushed for the emancipation of all slaves in Missouri prior to statehood, and while a bare majority of congressmen in the House supported the measure, the Senate opposed it. Virginia senator James Barbour observed: "Who would have thought that the little speck . . . was to be swelled into the importance that is has now assumed, and that upon its decision depended the duration of the Union.” Monroe worked behind the scenes, voicing his opinion to several congressmen and placing pressure on state leaders in Virginia, the most populous of the Southern states and thus politically powerful, to accept a compromise. He 46 James Monroe wanted to preserve the Union and settle the issue before his reelection; yet as a slaveholder from a slave state, he considered the North too aggressive with its criticism (though he also hoped the South would eventually end slavery and ship blacks to Africa). Northerners, Monroe said to a fellow Southerner, should "show some regard for our peculiar situation.” In that respect he encouraged an ally to write an essay opposing any rule that would require Missouri to abandon slavery. He advised: "A paper showing that Congress [has] no right to admit into the Union any new state on a different footing from the old . . . would be eminently useful, if published immediately.” Yet he agreed that Congress could prohibit slavery in the territories if it wanted, and when the Missouri Compromise reached his desk he signed it. The legislation admitted Missouri as a slave state, prohibited slavery in the Louisiana Purchase territory north of latitude 36°30’, and brought Maine into the Union as a free state. Later in 1820, Monroe won reelection, receiving 231 out of 232 electoral votes. The lone elector who voted against him did so only to preserve for George Washington the distinction of being the one candidate elected unanimously to the presidency. The Federalist Party, in complete disarray, reached the point where only four of its members sat in the Senate and only 25 in the House. Without an organized opposition, Republicans fell victim to more bickering, and Monroe’s power in Congress waned. Henry Clay went so far as to conclude, with some exaggeration, that the president "had not the slightest influence in Congress. His career was considered as closed.” Senator Rufus King claimed Monroe’s plans "are without friends in Congress.” Yet the president scored a momentous achievement in foreign policy. Long sympathetic with revolutionary movements underway against Spanish rule in South America, in 1822 he informed Congress he would act to recognize the emerging nations. This revealed his continuing attachment to republican principles—the fabric of America’s own revolution—along with something more prosaic: He feared European nations would use the cover of revolution and all the turmoil surrounding it to slip in, crush the independence movements, establish their own empires, and invade the United States. In autumn 1823, Britain’s foreign minister George Canning proposed that the United States join his country in declaring Latin America off limits to any European expansion. Canning believed this would contain Britain’s archenemy, France. Secretary of State John Quincy Adams advised Monroe to reject Canning’s proposal. He wanted the United States to stand on its own against Europe, and the president agreed. As it turned out, Canning backed away from his proposal before it was officially rejected. As a result of Adams’s advice, in December 1823 Monroe incorporated a special message into his annual address to Congress. His words, which became known as the Monroe Doctrine, declared the Americas closed to European colonization. He announced: "We should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety.” Such action, he asserted, would be viewed "as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States.” He added: "In the wars of the European powers, in matters relating to themselves, we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with out policy to do so.” When Monroe proclaimed his doctrine, the United States had neither the army nor the navy to back it, and as a unilateral measure it had no standing in international law. Monroe figured that for the time being the British would want to prevent competitors from expanding into the Americas and would use their navy to help enforce the doctrine. Most Americans supported Monroe’s policy. Speaking in 1826, Daniel Webster said, "I look on the message of December 1823 as forming a bright page in our history.” Although John Quincy Adams had proposed the Monroe Doctrine, the president James Monroe 47 produced its final wording and added force to it by including it in a speech rather than burying it in diplomatic communiques, as Adams had originally suggested. In so doing he boldly exerted the chief executive’s power to formulate foreign policy. In his last year as president, Monroe showed some flexibility regarding internal improvements when he signed a bill that provided money to survey land for roads and canals. True to his republican principles, he still insisted that Congress lacked the constitutional authority to actually build the improvements. Monroe’s second term ended in March 1825, at which time he retired to Oak Hill, his home designed by Thomas Jefferson and located in Virginia’s Loudoun County. He returned briefly to politics in 1829 when he served as presiding officer at the Virginia Constitutional Convention. After his wife Elizabeth died in 1830, financial difficulties forced him to sell Oak Hill, and he moved to New York City, where he lived with his daughter. He died there on July 4, 1831, drawing his last breath on the patriotic holiday dedicated to the republican principles
    he fought hard to establish and preserve.

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