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    Rhayes.png Резерфорд Хейз

    Об этой статье мне рассказал мой приятель, который недавно заказал ttp://www.okna-lider.com/serpuhov для своего дома и очень доволен своим выбором, потому что двери крепкие, прочные, надежные. In 1876, during its centennial year, the United States displayed a new era of industry and technology when the International Exposition and World’s Fair opened in Philadelphia. Visitors could see the first telephone, a slice of the cable the Roebling brothers would use in building the Brooklyn Bridge, and the gigantic Corliss Steam Engine that powered 13 acres of machinery. For all its Rutherford B. Hayes 159 modernity, its Philadelphia site connected the exposition to the founding fathers, who in that city 100 years earlier had declared America’s independence from Britain on high principle. The exposition seemed to say, "Here on our country’s moral foundation is being built a splendorous society infused with the goodness and rectitude of the past.” In that year’s presidential contest, however, another historical legacy, the convulsive Civil War, reasserted itself to mock such moral pretense and produce a tainted and controversial result. Consequently, Rutherford B. Hayes, who won as a reformer promising greater integrity in government, faced the taunts of "His Fraudulency” and "Rutherfraud.” How he would reconcile his election with his promise, and the new America with the old, became the challenge for his presidency. k In 1817 Rutherford Hayes, the father of the future president, moved his family from Vermont to a farm north of the village of Delaware, Ohio. Five years later he died, leaving behind a son, Lorenzo; a daughter, Fanny; and his pregnant wife, Sophia Birchard Hayes. On October 4, 1822, Sophia gave birth to Rutherford Birchard Hayes, affectionately called Rud. After Lorenzo drowned while skating on an icy pond, Sophia kept Fanny and Rud close to home as she tried to protect them from danger. As a result, the two children developed a strong bond—some called them inseparable, especially given Fanny’s tomboy ways. Rud was outgoing and loved to play in the woods. He also liked sliding in the snow, and he hunted, fished, rowed, sailed, and swam. He even took up ice skating to conquer the fear he felt after hearing stories about Lorenzo’s death. The youngster developed a strong selfassurance, and once he made up his mind, he stuck with his decisions in the full confidence that he was right. Rud would carry this trait with him into the White House, as he would a strong patriotism. He extolled George Washington as a hero, dreamed of becoming a military leader, and memorized parts of patriotic speeches, especially Daniel Webster’s "Reply to Robert Y. Hayne”: "Liberty and Union, now and for ever, one and inseparable!” Rud’s Uncle Sardis acted as his surrogate father, and he and Sophia determined that Fanny and Rud would both obtain excellent schooling. At age 13 Rud went to Norwalk Seminary in Norwalk, Ohio, near his home, and soon after enrolled at Webb’s Preparatory School in Middletown, Connecticut. After graduating from Webb’s, he returned to Ohio and in 1838 entered Kenyon College. At first he complained about Kenyon; when Fanny urged him to like his teachers, he replied: "Well, I do like them—a great ways off.” But by the following year he was content as he made friends and became more serious about his studies. He read history, biography, fiction, and poetry, and checked out more books from the library than any other student. Soon after graduating from Kenyon in 1842, Hayes decided to attend Harvard Law School, where he could study under a distinguished faculty that included U.S. Supreme Court justice Joseph Story. In the fall of 1844, during his last term at Harvard, he said, "I hardly have time to think of politics.” Nevertheless, in that year’s presidential race he supported the Whig candidate, Henry Clay. On New Year’s Day of 1845 Hayes wrote in his diary: "The rudeness of a student must be laid off, and the quiet, manly deportment of a gentleman put on.” A few months later he returned to Ohio, law degree in hand, and began his practice in Lower Sandusky (today called Fremont). In 1849 Hayes moved to Cincinnati, where he would prosper. Before long, he met Lucy Ware Webb, a student at Wesleyan Female College, whom he described as beautiful and intelligent, with a mind able to assess people and events quickly. In December 1852 they married and went on to raise a large family, with eight children in all. 160 Rutherford B. Hayes Sadly for Hayes, in 1856 his sister Fanny died after giving birth. "Oh what a blow it is!” he wrote to a friend. "During all my life she has been the dear one. . . .” One week later, Hayes pasted in his diary a woodcut of Republican presidential candidate John C. Fremont. "Not a good picture,” he wrote, "but will do to indicate my politics this year. For free States and against new slave States.” His act reflected his departure from the disintegrating Whig Party and move to the Republican Party with its Free- Soil platform, which opposed expanding slavery into the western territories. As Hayes’s legal renown spread, Republicans began talking about his entering politics. In December 1858, when the solicitor of Cincinnati was killed in an accident, the city council chose Hayes to fill the remaining term. He called it a good job with an acceptable salary. His step into public office led to a pattern in his career: He always seemed to be in the right place at the right time. But according to Ari Hoogenboom in Rutherford B. Hayes: Warrior and President, while the Ohioan’s advance appeared to come easily, he actually worked hard to shape developments that made his success more likely. Hayes won election to a full two-year term as city solicitor in 1859. As the crisis between North and South intensified the following year, and as the Deep South sped toward secession, he firmly supported the Union, though he believed that if Southerners wanted to leave, they should be allowed to. "If the threats are meant,” he said, "then it is time the Union was dissolved or the traitors crushed out.” He opposed any compromise that would result in continuing slavery for a long time. After Abraham Lincoln was elected president in November 1860, Hayes praised him and attended his visit to Cincinnati the following March. But many others in town thought the Republican Party too extreme and blamed it for moving America toward war. As a result, the Democrats swept Cincinnati in the 1861 elections, and Hayes lost his office. He resumed his law practice on April 9, 1861. Three days later, rebel forces attacked Fort Sumter in South Carolina, beginning the Civil War. In May Hayes wrote about the conflict: "I would prefer to go into it if I knew I was to die or be killed in the course of it, than to live through and after it without taking any part in it.” One month later he joined the 23rd Regiment of Ohio Volunteers as a major. Hayes was convinced that winning the war required striking at the Southern economy through its labor system; consequently, he advocated slavery’s end in all the states under rebellion. As an officer he engaged in several battles, including one in which he was injured. In September 1862, while commanding the 23rd during an assault at Turner’s Gap in South Mountain, Maryland, a musket ball fractured his left arm. Bleeding and feeling weak, he lay down on the ground. As the battle shifted, he found himself at one point pinned down between his troops and the rebels, with musket balls whizzing about him. He occupied his time speaking with a wounded Confederate soldier nearby and thinking about death. His men, however, rescued him, and the Battle of South Mountain turned into a Union victory. Hayes soon advanced to brigadier general, and in 1864 the Republicans chose him to run for Congress. Although he refused to campaign while still in the military, he won the election. After being promoted to major general, he resigned from the army and in 1865 he took his seat in Congress. In the showdown between House Radicals and President Andrew Johnson, Hayes sided with the Radicals, though he had little enthusiasm for the fight. He was reelected in 1866, but the following year he returned home to run for governor. During the campaign he called on voters to ratify an amendment to the state constitution that would permit African Americans to vote. Although the amendment went down to defeat and the Democrats captured many offices, Hayes won his race by 3,000 votes. As governor he supported establishing a state civil service system, regulating railroads, Rutherford B. Hayes 161 writing a safety code for mines, and improving prisons and mental hospitals. A conservative in finances, he urged the federal government to oppose issuing more paper money that might cause inflation. This mix of social reform and economic conservatism would appear again in the White House, as would his commitment to honesty and a vibrant executive branch. Hayes won a second term as governor in 1869. Three years later he agreed to run again for Congress. This time he lost, a victim less of his own campaign than of the public disgust with the Republicans and the scandalous presidency of Ulysses S. Grant. Hayes subsequently bought his uncle’s estate in Lower Sandusky and moved there. He reentered politics in 1875 after the Republicans nominated him for governor a third time. A tough fight awaited him. The Republican Party was unpopular for several reasons. Fraud within the state organization and a national economic depression had hurt the party. So, too, had the 1875 Civil Rights Act passed by Congress that made it illegal to segregate railroads, hotels, and places of amusement and protected the right of blacks to serve on juries. Many Ohioans thought the act went too far in promoting social integration. Hayes himself expressed discomfort with it—though he supported African-American political rights, he opposed any type of racial mixing. Despite these obstacles, Hayes won the governorship, defeating William Allen, the Democratic incumbent, by 5,500 votes. Ohio newspapers immediately touted Hayes for president. This was just the response he thought his victory would bring and one he welcomed. He had once again created a setting favorable to his advancement. In March 1876, as a winter snowstorm gripped Ohio, Hayes wrote in his diary that many counties had elected delegates to the forthcoming state convention who were favorable to his seeking the presidency. "I feel less diffidence in thinking of this subject than perhaps I ought,” he admitted. "It seems to me that good purposes, and the judgment, experience and firmness I possess would enable me to execute the duties of the office well. I do not feel the least fear that I should fail!” When the Republican National Convention met in Cincinnati in June, Hayes was one of six prominent candidates for the presidential nomination. Representative James G. Blaine of Maine, Speaker of the House, led the field, but he came to town with a liability: Opponents in Congress had charged him with receiving money in a suspicious stock deal involving a railroad that he was in a position to help him politically. Blaine denied the charge but never convincingly, and in a year when scandal in the Grant presidency made Republicans skittish about signs of dishonesty, some delegates thought they should look elsewhere. Blaine obtained the most votes on the first roll call, but Hayes, known for his honesty and reform, won on the seventh ballot. There followed the controversial election of 1876, peculiar and complex because of its relationship to southern reconstruction. Few believed Hayes would defeat the Democratic candidate, New York governor Samuel J. Tilden, who was well known for chasing crooks out of the state government, including a notorious political ring that had bilked funds intended for canal improvements. The Republicans suffered from the continuing scandals that rocked President Grant, such as the indictment of his private secretary for defrauding the treasury and the impeachment of his secretary of war for shady deals involving the Indian territories. Although both men were acquitted, the White House and the party seemed sordid to the public. Furthermore, the economic depression hurt, as did the largely successful efforts by southern whites to prevent African Americans, most of whom were Republicans, from voting. Yet Hayes did win support from liberal Republicans who had bolted the party in 1872 to protest Grant’s renomination. He managed this with his call for a complete reform of the spoils system, under which Congress and the 162 Rutherford B. Hayes president customarily filled jobs based on political loyalty rather than professional talent. As was customary for presidential candidates of that time, Hayes stayed largely at home rather than take to the campaign stump. He did, however, make a trip in October to the International Exposition in Philadelphia, where sizable crowds came to see him, and he marveled at the inventions. Despite his reluctance to travel, Hayes participated in campaign strategy. He insisted that to rally Republicans and get them to the polls, reform had to be made a secondary issue and the "bloody red shirt” waved—meaning, Republicans needed to remind Northerners that should the Democrats win, ex-Confederates would likely gain power in the government. He said, "The danger of giving the Rebels the Government, is the topic people are most interested in.” By mid-November the election returns showed Tilden with about 200,000 more popular votes than Hayes out of more than 8 million cast. The electoral vote also looked to be Tilden’s as he apparently swept the South, won his home state of New York, and beat Hayes in Indiana, Connecticut, and New Jersey. In his diary, Rutherford Hayes attributed the Democratic victory in several southern states to the plight of African Americans who intended to vote. With defeat in mind, he claimed: History will hold that the Republicans were by fraud, violence and intimidation, by a nullification of the 15th amendment, deprived of the victory which they fairly won. But we must . . . prepare ourselves to accept the inevitable. I do it with composure and cheerfulness. To me the result is no personal calamity. . . . In the old slave States . . . if there had been neither violence nor intimidation, nor other improper interference with the rights of the colored people, we should have carried enough Southern States to have held the country, and to have secured a decided popular majority in the Nation. Several weeks remained, however, before the electors would meet to cast their votes, and William E. Chandler, New Hampshire committeeman for the Republican Party and a leader in Grant’s campaigns, pursued a plan. In three southern states—South Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana—Republican reconstruction governments remained in power. He and several colleagues arranged to have each state’s returning board, which validated ballot counts and were, like the state governments, Republicancontrolled, review the votes cast. If enough Democratic ballots could be tossed out, Hayes would carry those states and win the presidency. Even before the canvas, late returns showed Hayes had won in South Carolina by 600-1,000 votes, so there was little worry for the Republicans there. In Florida he trailed Tilden by 94 votes, a margin that could be changed with little effort. But Louisiana posed a big problem— Hayes had lost by 6,300 votes. There was no doubt that Democratic efforts to keep African Americans from the polls cost Hayes many votes in Florida and Louisiana (as well as in other southern states). Yet both sides had used trickery and stuffed ballot boxes. On top of all that, while many blacks stayed away from voting in Louisiana because whites intimidated them, others did so because of bickering factions within the Republican Party. Hayes told his supporters, "We are not to allow our friends to defeat one outrage and fraud by another. There must be nothing crooked on our part.” Nevertheless, Republicans and Democrats alike used bribery to sway the returning boards. On December 5, the board in Louisiana disqualified 15,000 votes, 13,000 of them Democratic, and declared Hayes the winter by 3,000 votes. The following day the board in Florida declared Hayes the winner by 900 votes. Hayes reacted by telling a friend: "I have no doubt that we are justly and legally entitled to the presidency.” At the same time, a dispute erupted in Oregon. Hayes carried the state, but after a Republican elector resigned, the governor appointed a Democratic replacement. When Rutherford B. Hayes 163 electors met across the country on December 6 to cast their ballots, the Democrats in Louisiana, Florida, South Carolina, and Oregon submitted results that challenged the Republican tallies. In all, there were 184 votes for Tilden and 165 for Hayes, with 20 in dispute. Congress, therefore, would have to settle the disputed votes. Should it award all 20 to Hayes, he would be the winner. As it happened, the House was Democratic and the Senate Republican. Congress decided to appoint a commission of five senators, five representatives, and five Supreme Court justices, evenly divided between the two parties, except for the fifth justice, David Davis of Illinois, who was to be an independent. But another problem arose when the Tilden camp, in a tactical error, supported Davis for a seat in the Senate. When he won, they thought he would stay on the commission and return their favor by supporting them. Davis, however, said that because he was beholden to the Democrats, he would resign his seat. He was replaced by Justice Joseph P. Bradley, a Republican, thus giving the Republicans an 8-7 majority. In each disputed state, the commissioners voted 8-7 in favor of Hayes. As a result, Hayes defeated Tilden in the electoral college, 185 to 184. The Democrats subsequently decided to filibuster the outcome. With Hayes’s inaugural date fast approaching, they hoped to pressure him to remove the last Union troops in the South, those in South Carolina and Louisiana, which would enable them to wield unhindered white Democratic power. Hayes refused any specific promise, but since he believed the Reconstruction governments in those states had outlived their effectiveness, he implied there would be change. Then in late February, two Republican congressional leaders signed a statement with Democrats at Washington’s Wormley Hotel committing Hayes to home government in South Carolina and Louisiana in return for a promise to guarantee all citizens their political and civil rights. Although arranged without Hayes’s approval, this Compromise of 1877 ended the filibuster. Hayes was officially declared the winner in the electoral college on March 2; he took the oath of office on March 3. In his inaugural address the following day, Rutherford B. Hayes called for civil service reform—"thorough, radical, and complete”— saying federal appointments should be made based on ability rather than partisanship. He blamed economic problems on paper money and said he wanted greenbacks redeemed for gold coin to fight inflation and make credit sound. A crowd of 30,000 cheered, among them his wife, Lucy, who sat with him on the speakers’ platform. The press would call her "Lemonade Lucy” for prohibiting alcohol in the White House, but more notably she was the first of the first ladies to hold a college degree. She also strongly supported women’s suffrage, though she generally kept her belief private out of respect for her husband. Many Americans, meanwhile, began attaching the nickname "Rutherfraud” to the president for the controversial way in which he won the White House. Among Rutherford Hayes’s immediate problems was what to do about federal troops in South Carolina and Louisiana. Despite his own racial prejudice, he wanted to protect the rights of African Americans. (Privately, he headed the Slater Fund, which raised funds to educate blacks in the South.) Yet he realized the Democrats in Congress would block money for the army, and the military presence was only making southern whites more antagonistic toward blacks. "The real thing to be achieved is safety and prosperity for the colored people.” he wrote in his diary. "Both Houses of Congress and the public opinion of the Country are plainly against the use of the army. . . . The wish is to restore harmony and good feeling between Sections and races.” He withdrew the troops from South Carolina in early April after receiving assurances from the governor that the constitutional rights of African Americans would be upheld. Later that month he did the same in Louisiana after 164 Rutherford B. Hayes its governor announced the state would accept the three constitutional amendments generated by the Civil War and promote friendship between the races. Hayes entered the White House when the piston was beginning to overtake the plow in America’s economy. Industry expanded in tandem with internal improvements, most notably the building of railroads, to produce a wrenching change, belied by the seemingly unfettered displays at the Philadelphia exposition. Industrial growth brought uneven benefits and numerous problems, and in 1877 they boiled over when several railroads sought to boost their profits by increasing shipping rates and cutting wages. This ignited a widespread strike that disrupted rail service. Hayes sided with the companies when he said the strikers had no right to prevent others from working; yet he recognized that the workers had legitimate complaints, and he resisted pressure to intervene as a strike-breaker or to smear the movement as a communist conspiracy, a tactic used by several newspapers. Violence marred the strike. In Baltimore a mob attacked the militia, which reacted by opening fire, killing 10 men and boys. Then 15,000 rioters burned railroad cars and part of a depot. The governor requested that Hayes send in troops, but the turmoil ended before the president could act. Hayes eventually deployed troops in Indiana, however, to keep the railroads there open, and he prodded judges to find the strikers in contempt of court. Still, his overall restraint meant few federal troops ever entered the dispute. While the public deplored the violence, they thought the railroads had brought it on, and they supported Hayes in his moderate response. President Hayes made it clear he would restore some of the power and independence that the executive branch had lost under Andrew Johnson and Ulysses S. Grant. He began by appointing a cabinet without respect to what some leading Republicans in Congress wanted. His secretary of state, William Evarts, ranked among the most talented lawyers, and his secretary of the interior, Carl Schurz, brought with him a record as a vigorous reformer. Then in June 1877 Hayes attacked the corrupt spoils system when he issued an executive order prohibiting federal civil servants from taking part "in the management of political organizations, caucuses, conventions, or election campaigns” and making illegal any requirement that they contribute money to candidates. Later that year Hayes engaged in a bitter fight with Senator Roscoe Conkling, a fellow Republican, over the New York City Customhouse. Conkling treated the customhouse as his personal fiefdom; 75 percent of the country’s tariff revenue was collected there, and his handpicked workers funneled some of the money to his political machine. Hayes sided with reformers in the New York Republican Party in September when he announced the removal of collector Chester A. Arthur and his associate, Alonzo Cornell. The president noted in his diary: "I am now in a contest on the question of the right of Senators to dictate or control nominations. Mr. Conkling insists that no officer shall be appointed in New York without his consent . . . . This is the first and most important step in the effort to reform the Civil Service. . . . None who are opposed . . . on this important question are to be regarded as Republicans in good standing.” Conkling retorted about the reformers: "[They] forget that parties are not built up by deportment, or by ladies’ magazines, or gush.” Republican Stalwarts in Congress—those who supported the spoils system—sided with Conkling against the president. They thought Hayes had conceded too much to southern Democrats, they disliked his appointment of Schurz, and they wanted no weakening in congressional power over patronage. With Conkling as chair, the Senate Commerce Committee rejected the president’s appointments to replace Arthur and Cornell. Hayes reacted by saying, "In the language of the press ‘Senator Conkling has won a great victory over Rutherford B. Hayes 165 the Administration’ . . . But the end is not yet. I am right, and shall not give up the contest.” He kept his word. In July 1878 he suspended Arthur and Cornell after Congress adjourned. By the time the Senate considered his new appointees, he had rallied enough support among Republicans and Democrats to defeat Conkling. Hayes later said about his rival: "His treachery stopped short of results only because he lacked the back bone required to make it notorious and effective.” Looking back on his victory, he observed: "The great success of [my] Administration . . . was in getting the control of the New York custom House and in changing it from a political machine for the benefit of party leaders into a business office for the benefit of the public.” While Hayes was doing battle with Conkling, in February 1878 Congress passed the Bland-Allison Act, which instructed the treasury to purchase silver and convert it into standard dollars. The intended effect of this act was to lessen the nation’s reliance on gold. Farmers and some labor interests wanted more paper money circulated as the best means to raise prices for foodstuffs and industrial wages. Hayes, however, exerted his sound money view and vetoed the act. Although Congress overrode the president, the act gave him the authority to instruct the secretary of the treasury to limit silver purchases, which was done. In 1879 President Hayes vetoed an appropriations bill containing a rider that would have repealed the law giving the army power to maintain peace at the polls, a measure used to protect blacks voters in congressional elections. Congress decided to relent and drop the rider. That same year Hayes vetoed a bill restricting Chinese immigration to the United States, claiming it violated an earlier treaty that provided for free movement between the two countries. He thus avoided a crisis with China. In November 1880, however, he negotiated a new treaty that allowed the United States to impose some limits. When Hayes won the presidency, he promised to serve only one term. Consequently, he retired from office in March 1881. He died on January 8, 1893, at his home in Fremont, Ohio. An honest man, Rutherford B. Hayes struggled throughout his presidency with the tainted 1876 vote. Despite that encumbrance, he brought a modicum of reform to the civil service, and although Congress retained much of the power it had acquired when Andrew Johnson and Ulysses S. Grant occupied the White House, his showdown with Conkling and his determined but judicious use of vetoes restored some authority to the executive
    branch.

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