Об этой статье мне рассказал мой товарищ, который узнал про http://axmobile.ru/cat/bezlimit_tarif_mts/ и очень обрадовался, потому что они решили его проблему. Теперь он пользуется этими тарифами и очень доволен. When in the spring of 1999 Thomas Jefferson’s white descendants met at his Monticello estate in Virginia, they encountered a storm of criticism from African Americans. A recent DNA study had concluded Jefferson most likely fathered at least one of the six children born to his slave, Sally Hemings (who was also a half-sister to his wife, Martha). Despite that finding, the descendants, organized as the Monticello Association, refused to admit Hemings’s black relatives
as members. One dissident of the association called the decision "racist,” saying, "They don’t want black people buried in that [Monticello] graveyard.” Charges of racism have dogged Jefferson’s legacy for many years—and understandably so, for although he wrote the Declaration of Independence, which became an engine for equality; dedicated his presidency to creating an "empire of liberty”; and, in old age, claimed he had opposed human bondage for 40 years, he owned slaves throughout his adult life. For Jefferson, as for many Americans, liberty and race shaped the contours of society. k Thomas Jefferson was born on April 13, 1743, at Shadwell, his family’s farm in Albemarle County, Virginia, with the colony’s Blue Ridge Mountains and western frontier near his doorstep. Of his mother, Jane Randolph Jefferson, little is known. His father, Peter Jefferson, a physically robust and strong man, had probably never attended school but prospered as a farmer, surveyor, and land speculator. From ages two until nine Thomas lived at Tuckahoe, a plantation owned by his father’s friend William Randolph. The elder Jefferson moved his family there after Randolph died and left instructions in his will for Peter to take charge of the property. In 1752 Peter moved his family back to Shadwell. By the time of his own death in 1757, Peter Jefferson had achieved a solid standing among Virginia’s western planters, providing his widow, six daughters, and two sons with land, hogs, cattle, horses, and slaves. Thomas Jefferson learned Greek and Latin from a local schoolmaster and then enrolled in 1759 at the College of William and Mary in Williamsburg. Quiet and reclusive, he devoted long hours to reading and to practicing his violin. He graduated in 1762 and then studied law under George Wythe. He prepared himself thoroughly for his cases but earned a reputation as a cautious rather than innovative lawyer. Jefferson spoke poorly in public, a trait that time and again caused him to embrace writing as the best way to convey his thoughts. In 1768 Jefferson decided to build his own home on land inherited from his father. He later named it Monticello. Virginians expected anyone with substantial land and slaves to hold important political office, an arrangement that kept power within a wealthy elite. Jefferson fulfilled this expectation when he ran for the House of Burgesses and in 1769 took his seat as the protege of two influential planters, Peyton Randolph and Edmund Pendleton. Three years later he enhanced his social standing when he married Martha Wales Skelton, another member of Virginia’s elite. The marriage brought the added advantage to Jefferson of doubling his land holdings. The couple had six children, but their only son and two of their daughters died in infancy; daughter Lucy, born in 1782, died in 1785. At the time Jefferson entered the House of Burgesses, relations between the colonies and Britain were deteriorating. Parliament’s attempts to tax the colonies had evoked strong protests from Virginia. Jefferson opposed the tax bills as a violation of the rights of Englishmen and agreed with those who said "no taxation without representation.” He supported an embargo against British goods, or what the colonists called nonimportation. In 1774, Parliament’s decision to pass the Coercive Acts (known as the Intolerable Acts in America) and close the port of Boston as punishment for the Boston Tea Party caused the colonies to send delegates to the Continental Congress in Philadelphia. Jefferson was passed over for this session, but he drafted instructions to the Virginia delegation, which friends published as "A Summary View of the Rights of British America.” Jefferson proclaimed: "His majesty . . . is no more than the chief officer of the people, appointed by the laws, and circumscribed with definite powers, to assist in working the great machine of government, erected for their use, and consequently subject to their superintendence.”
With those words he attacked the theory of divine right and made the king a mere servant of the people. The Virginian presented a theory common to the revolutionary leaders and later expressed in the Declaration of Independence: "These are our grievances which we have thus laid before his majesty, with that freedom of language and sentiment which becomes a free people claiming their rights, as derived from the laws of nature, and not as the gift of their chief magistrate. . . .” In sum, he believed everyone possessed rights inherent in nature and coming from it, not from kings or any government. But the delegates considered his claim that Parliament had no right to exercise authority over the colonies as too radical and rejected his instructions. Jefferson’s pen had revealed his sharp mind, and in 1775 he was chosen as an alternate to congressional delegate Peyton Randolph. When Randolph decided to remain in Virginia, Jefferson headed for Philadelphia in a phaeton pulled by four horses and accompanied by three slaves. At age 32, he arrived as an impressive figure: 6'2'' tall—an imposing height for that day—his sandy red hair full and thick and tied behind his neck, his thin face freckled and ruddy, his posture erect—a man in full stride intellectually, with wealth and status to complement his physique and mind. Jefferson said little in Congress and even refrained from participating in the oral debates used by delegates to contend for influence and prestige. He went back to Monticello in May 1775 to care for his wife and daughter, who were both ill, and remained there until May 1776. Soon after returning to Philadelphia, his pen again became his voice. In June Congress appointed him to a committee of five with an assignment to write a "Declaration of the Causes and Necessity for Taking Up Arms.” The committee chose Jefferson to write the draft. In a room on the second floor of a brick house at the corner of Market and Seventh streets, he surrounded himself with his papers, and from June 13 to June 28 he wrote in the early mornings and evenings. Jefferson had no intention of developing new ideas. Pressed for time, he borrowed heavily from the English philosopher John Locke and from his own earlier "Summary View.” His experience in Virginia influenced him as well, since he saw in the frontier an independent spirit that had to be preserved against government oppression. "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their creator with inherent and inalienable rights,” Jefferson wrote, "that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. . . .” He submitted the draft to Congress on June 28. Then the sensitive author sat, fumed, and brooded as the other delegates changed his words. In one instance, "inherent and inalienable rights” became "certain inalienable rights.” Most galling, Congress removed his entire passage condemning the king for promoting the slave trade. "He has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere,” he wrote. Delegates from the South and a few from the North caused the words to be struck. Although Jefferson’s passage can be read as an antislavery statement, it stopped well short of calling for abolition. He knew that many Virginia slave owners opposed the slave trade, not because they disliked it on humanitarian grounds but because they feared the effects of a slave surplus that was lowering the value of their bound labor. And his argument in one way protected slavery, for by blaming the king for the slave trade, he absolved the colonists both of their responsibility for the practice and of finding ways to end it. Congress deleted about 25 percent of Jefferson’s text, but it remained a ringing proclamation, asserting that human rights came from nature and preceded government, that government had as its first duty to protect those rights, and that if it failed to, then the people were obligated to change it. During the spring
of 1776, Jefferson wrote a new constitution for Virginia that expressed more of his principles, among them extensive suffrage, development of the West by yeoman farmers, and protection of citizens from totalitarian rule. Again some of his ideas proved too liberal, and the Virginia convention adopted only a small portion of his work. Jefferson remained in Congress until September 1776 and then returned to Monticello. A few weeks later he entered the Virginia Houe of Delegates. Over three years he proposed 126 bills, and the House passed most of them. His legislation abolished hereditary restrictions on property (called entail and primogeniture), which he considered antirepublican, and established a state library and a new system of state courts. In 1779 Jefferson introduced his "Bill for Establishing Religious Freedom.” Although it was not adopted until 1786, this bill served as another call for liberty and a statement of natural rights that shaped political debate. "Our civil rights have no dependence on our religious opinions, any more than our opinions in physics or geometry,” Jefferson said. "Therefore the proscribing any citizen as unworthy the public confidence . . . unless he profess or renounce this or that religious opinion, is depriving him injuriously of those privileges and advantages to which . . . he has a natural right.” Jefferson’s bill declared that "no man shall be compelled to frequent or support any religious worship, place, or ministry whatsoever . . . that all men shall be free to profess, and by argument to maintain, their opinions in matters of religion. . . .” Amid the Revolutionary War, on June 1, 1779, Jefferson became governor of Virginia. Disaster followed, for the philosophically minded chief executive had little aptitude for military matters, and when British troops under Benedict Arnold entered Richmond, he fled. The British burned the city to the ground, and their cavalry units nearly captured Jefferson at Monticello. With Virginia’s honor besmirched and its economy in shambles, the legislature investigated Jefferson for misconduct; he was cleared in 1781. In the meantime, he retired from the governorship. That same year, Jefferson published his Notes on the State of Virginia. Presented as a series of queries followed by answers, it outlined the geography, economy, and history of Virginia and revealed Jefferson’s continuing dilemma over the issue of race. Typical for whites of his day, he said about African Americans: "Comparing them by their faculties of memory, reason, and imagination, it appears to me, that in memory they are equal to the whites, in reason much inferior, as I think one could scarcely be found capable of tracing and comprehending the investigations of Euclid. . . .” Black males, he said, "are more ardent after their females” than whites but lack the "tender delicate mixture of sentiment and sensation” found in love. Jefferson repeated the widespread story that in Africa orangutans preferred black women to their own species, and he described blacks as inferior to whites in appearance. He wanted blacks to be freed but sent abroad, for otherwise there would be convulsions "which will probably never end but in the extermination of the one or the other race.” In any race war, he believed, God would side with blacks as retribution for slavery. "I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just,” Jefferson said, "that his justice cannot sleep for ever. . . .” Jefferson was devastated in 1782 when his wife, Martha, died. Seeking diversion from the tragedy, he reentered politics and in June 1783, as the war with Britain ended, he won election to the national Confederation Congress. The following year he sailed for Paris to join Benjamin Franklin and John Adams as American emissaries. In 1785 Jefferson succeeded Franklin as minister to France. He served for four years with little to do. At one point he tried to refute claims by French naturalist Georges de Buffon that North American mammals and plants were inferior to European ones. He obtained a dead moose from New England and placed it on display
in Paris to show it was much larger than any European deer, but he fretted when the moose’s hair kept falling out. While in France, Jefferson fell in love with Maria Cosway, the wife of Richard Cosway, a prominent miniaturist painter. Golden-haired, Anglo-Italian, and graceful, Maria enraptured Jefferson, who in October 1786 sent a 12-page letter to her in England that he called "a dialogue between the Head and the Heart.” Despite his feelings, by the summer of 1787 the relationship had cooled. Living with Jefferson at this time was 16- year-old Sally Hemings, his daughter’s servant. Nearly white in appearance, Sally Hemings was considered pretty with "long straight hair down her back;” at Monticello she was called "Dashing Sally.” In Paris she soon became pregnant with a son. Another son, Madison (born in 1805), would later recount in his family’s history that soon after Jefferson returned to Monticello in 1789 with Sally Hemings, "she gave birth to a child, of whom Thomas Jefferson was the father.” While in Paris, Jefferson followed the debate in America over whether to ratify the Constitution. He supported the document, but reluctantly, since he believed it created too strong a national government. He also followed the course of the French Revolution. At first he thought the French would reform their monarchy without bloodshed. In 1789 he sent the Marquis de Lafayette proposals for changing the government, which became the basis for the Declaration of Rights that Lafayette submitted to the National Assembly in June. When violence rocked Paris, Jefferson expressed shock but saw it as necessary to a just cause. That same year, soon after Jefferson returned to Monticello, President Washington chose him to serve as the nation’s first secretary of state. Taking office in 1790, he soon found himself drawn into conflicts with Alexander Hamilton, the secretary of the treasury, who vigorously pursued policies Jefferson disliked. Where Jefferson wanted a limited government, Hamilton wanted an expansive one; where Jefferson promoted farming, Hamilton promoted industry; where Jefferson supported the French Revolution, Hamilton hated it. Their differences stimulated the formation of two political parties: the Federalists, led by Hamilton, and the Republicans, organized by Jefferson’s friend James Madison. While these parties were forming, Jefferson, exhausted by his duties, quit Washington’s cabinet and returned to Monticello early in 1794. Two years later he reentered national politics when he was elected vice president at the same time that John Adams was elected president. Because of rules then in effect, the election resulted in the president and vice president coming from two different parties, with Adams from the Federalist Party and Jefferson from the Republican Party. Jefferson had no role in Adams’s presidency. He opposed Adams for his pro-British policies in a war then under way between Britain and France and criticized the Alien and Sedition Acts passed by the Federalist Congress to silence the Republicans. Jefferson even convinced the Kentucky legislature to adopt resolutions declaring the acts unconstitutional. At the same time his colleague and friend, James Madison, pushed similar resolutions through the Virginia legislature. All through the late 1790s, differences between the Federalists and Republicans intensified. On one side the Federalists supported Britain in its fight against France as a counterweight to the French Revolution that to them stood for nothing less than anarchy. They believed that if the Republicans gained the presidency, mobs would rule America. On the other side the Republicans expressed sympathy for France and considered its revolution an extension of the American fight for liberty. They believed that if the Federalists continued to hold the presidency, monarchy would take over. It was in this atmosphere that Jefferson ran for president in 1800. "I do wish an inviolable preservation of our present federal constitution,” he told his friend Elbridge Gerry. "And I am opposed to the monarchising [of]
its features . . . with a view to conciliate a first transition to a President & Senate for life, & from that to a hereditary tenure of these offices, & thus to worm out the elective principle.” He benefited from a schism within the Federalist party when Alexander Hamilton broke with Adams and supported Charles C. Pinckney of South Carolina for president. Pinckney fared no better than fourth in the electoral college, but the system of balloting, in which electors made no distinction between their choice for president and vice president, placed Jefferson in a tie with New Yorker Aaron Burr. After 36 ballots the House of Representatives broke the tie early in 1801, choosing Jefferson over Burr largely because Hamilton, who disliked both men, urged his fellow Federalists to hold their noses and support the Virginian. For all the differences between Federalists and Republicans, America experienced an unusual development for countries back then: a peaceful transfer of power from the leaders of one political party to those of another. When Thomas Jefferson arrived in Washington for his inauguration in March 1801, he found the Capitol still under construction, with the House chamber lacking a roof and columns intended for the front facade lying scattered on the ground. In his inaugural address he tried to pick up the pieces of animosity and assemble a new unity. "Every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle,” he said. "We have been called by different names brethren of the same principle. We are all republicans—we are all federalists.” Although in referring to republicans and federalists, he was probably talking more about philosophies than political parties, many people at the time thought he had extended an olive branch. Jefferson entered the presidency amid an improved international and domestic scene: England and France had entered a truce; the Alien and Sedition Acts were about to end; the domestic economy was prospering; and the Republicans held majorities in both houses of Congress. The president bolstered his own cause when he appointed a first-rate cabinet that included James Madison as secretary of state and Albert Gallatin as secretary of the treasury. Jefferson governed simply. He rejected lavish entertainment and held three dinner parties each week, thinking if he brought together members of Congress and other leaders over a meal, it would be more difficult for them to be enemies. He avoided public appearances and conducted business mainly through correspondence, sitting at his writing desk about 10 hours per day. For President Jefferson, frugality and limited government became cardinal principles, or, as he said at his inauguration: "Economy in the public expense, that labor may be lightly burthened.” Toward that end, he determined to eliminate the national debt. Where Hamilton had considered the debt beneficial, Jefferson considered it harmful, requiring taxes that hurt the common people and created power and privilege for the moneyed class. After he and Gallatin decided that the national government should rely only on tariff revenues and Congress repealed all internal taxes, Jefferson reduced the government bureaucracy and slashed military spending. These moves cut the $82 million debt in half. Frugality even figured in Jefferson’s fight with Barbary pirates. When the pasha of Tripoli declared war on the United States after it failed to pay him adequate tribute for shipping in the Mediterranean Sea, Jefferson reacted by sending a naval squadron into battle. (He hated maintaining a navy but hated the pirates even more.) But when spending for the fight topped $1 million, he decided to end his mounting financial burden and settle with the pasha by paying him $60,000 for a treaty of commerce. Due to America’s impressive victories at sea, the terms turned out to be better than those obtained by any other nation. In today’s government the civil service fills most jobs, but President Jefferson faced a different patronage situation. When he took office, Federalists held nearly all the positions in the national government, and few people thought it proper to replace them with Republicans as a reward for their party loyalty.
Yet Jefferson knew that if the Federalists retained so many offices they would frustrate his programs. To prevent this, as vacancies appeared he nearly always appointed Republicans to fill them. To keep the government from being disrupted, however, he decided against a wholesale purge, cleaning house only in a few hard-core Federalist regions, such as Connecticut. He believed that men from his own party should eventually hold half the government offices. In a similar way Jefferson worried that Federalist judges would overturn Republican legislation. Although he deeply disliked the conservative judiciary for dampening the populist spirit of the American Revolution, he decided against radical structural change and instead went after Federalist judges whom he disliked for their vitriolic attacks on Republicans. In the most famous incident of his "war on the judiciary,” the Republican House of Representatives impeached Supreme Court Justice Samuel Chase in January 1805. When the Senate failed to convict Chase, Jefferson ended his assault, but he had served notice that Federalist judges must temper their partisanship. Many historians rank Jefferson’s purchase of Louisiana as his greatest presidential achievement. When French ruler Napoleon Bonaparte acquired the territory from Spain, Jefferson saw it as a threat to American expansion and prosperity. Americans living west of the Appalachian Mountains relied on the Mississippi River as a means to ship their produce, and should the port at New Orleans be closed, trade would be hampered. Exactly that happened in October 1802 when the United States lost its right to deposit goods there. Jefferson had already sent James Monroe to France to help U.S. minister Robert Livingston purchase New Orleans and as much of the Mississippi Valley as possible. Now the mission became an urgent one. Fortunately for the United States, Napoleon’s plans to combine Louisiana with Hispaniola and create a great American empire failed when a slave uprising in Haiti and yellow fever decimated French troops sent to the Caribbean. Napoleon then surprised Livingston before James Monroe arrived on his mission by agreeing to sell all of Louisiana for $15 million. The deal increased the size of the United States by 140 percent and forced Jefferson to contradict his own stand against loose interpretation of the Constitution, for nothing in it specifically allowed him to buy the land. Shortly before the purchase, Jefferson planned to send an expedition to the Pacific; Congress secretly agreed to fund the trip. The president commissioned Meriwether Lewis and William Clark to explore and map the western lands. They began their trip in May 1804 and concluded it with a report to the president in January 1807. Jefferson considered the West a mystical place, a "secret weapon,” says Joseph Ellis in American Sphinx, "that made the American experiment in republicanism immune to the national aging process, at least for the remainder of the century. It was America’s fountain of youth.” And it was part of what Jefferson called his "empire of liberty,” a place where yeoman farmers could reasonably obtain land. (As for the Indians who lived there, he believed they had no choice but to adapt to white society.) Contrary to his vision, land speculators monopolized large tracts, and planters took slaves with them into the wilderness. Slavery figured heavily in national politics, and during Jefferson’s first term a scandalous story published by newspaperman James Callender shocked sensibilities. "The man, whom it delighteth the people to honor,” Callender said in reference to the president, "keeps, and for many years has kept, as his concubine one of his own slaves.” He meant Sally Hemings, whom he derisively called "Sally the sable.” Callender’s story was surprising, since he had once worked with Jefferson and in 1798 had issued a pamphlet titled "The Prospect Before Us” that slandered John Adams. When the Sally Hemings story broke, Jefferson denied any close relationship with Callender, but Callender published letters from
Jefferson in which the Virginian stated he had read the proof sheets for the anti-Adams pamphlet. The president was therefore caught in a lie. Yet he never publicly commented about his relationship with Sally Hemings, and until the DNA tests of 1998, most historians considered Callender’s story ludicrous. Despite the Sally Hemings story, Thomas Jefferson was enormously popular as his first term neared its end. He had acquired Louisiana, lowered the national debt, cut taxes, put the Barbary pirates in their place, and presided over a strong economy. In addition, he seemed to care about the common people and carefully cultivated that image. Britain’s minister to the United States described Jefferson in 1804 as looking "much like that of a tall, large-boned farmer”—exactly the reaction Jefferson wanted. Although he was saddened by the death of his daughter Maria in 1804, Jefferson decided to seek reelection that year and had little problem defeating his Federalist opponent, Charles C. Pinckney. But his second administration suffered numerous setbacks, one involving Aaron Burr. Burr quit the vice presidency in 1805 after having shot and killed Alexander Hamilton in a duel, and from there he plunged into a murky conspiracy. He traveled to St. Louis and along the way met with prominent Westerners. To them he revealed a plan to attack Mexico and convince the western states to secede. Apparently he wanted to join the two lands together, with himself as ruler. Toward that end he and a small band of followers reached Natchez, Mississippi, in January 1807, only to flee after an American general ordered their arrest. Captured in Pensacola, Florida, Burr was taken to Richmond, Virginia, where he stood trial for treason. Jefferson hated Burr, partly for Burr’s refusal to renounce any desires for the presidency in 1801, when the two men were tied in the electoral college. Now the Virginian threw all constitutional regulations to the wind and worked behind the scenes to get Burr convicted. Unfortunately for Jefferson, his old Federalist enemy, Chief Justice John Marshall, presided over the case and interpreted the treason clause of the Constitution narrowly. As a result, Burr won acquittal. President Jefferson faced an even bigger problem when Britain and France, their truce over, attacked American ships. His frugality had weakened the U.S. Navy, and since he had little stomach for war, he decided to use economic sanctions. In 1807 he convinced Congress to pass the Embargo Act, which prohibited trade overseas until either Britain or France recognized America’s neutrality and ended their attacks. He believed the embargo would especially hurt Britain, with whom the United States traded the most, and force concessions. Instead, it ruined the American economy. In a giant chain reaction, merchants suffered, sailors sat idle, shipbuilders laid off their carpenters, and so on. The effects rippled beyond the port cities and into the countryside, where farmers who exported their crops suffered from declining prices. Salem, Massachusetts, among New England’s most vibrant coastal towns, suffered so much damage it never recovered its prosperity. Ironically, the embargo encouraged manufacturing in the middle states and worked against Jefferson’s vaunted agrarianism. Once the Embargo Act passed Congress, Jefferson showed little leadership. Discouraged by protests, tired with politics, and frequently incapacitated by migraine headaches, he drifted. Acting without the president’s guidance, Congress in March 1809 repealed the Embargo Act and replaced it with a less restrictive measure. By that time America’s exports had declined 80 percent. When Thomas Jefferson left office in March 1809, he retired to his home in Virginia. There he tended to his farming, his inventions, and his books and earned the nickname "Sage of Monticello.” He lived in so much debt that friends were forced to raise money to help him. Jefferson spent much of his retirement founding the University of Virginia at
Charlottesville. He designed its buildings and supervised their construction. He helped select professors and library books and also helped devise the curriculum. Jefferson insisted that the university "be based on the illimitable freedom of the human mind,” following "truth wherever it may lead.” In politics he advised Presidents Madison and Monroe and continued to promote a frugal, limited government. In 1801 Jefferson had said in his inaugural address, "I have learnt to expect that it will rarely fall to the lot of imperfect man to retire from this station with the reputation and the favor which bring him into it. . . . I shall often go wrong through defect of judgment. When right, I shall often be thought wrong by those whose positions will not command a view of the whole ground. I ask your indulgence for my own errors. . . .” As Jefferson had predicted, he left the White House in less "favor” than when he entered. In time, though, Americans looked upon his presidency as enlightened and his commitment to liberty as sincere. He understood that slavery contradicted his humanitarian principles and kept America from fulfilling its republican promise. He compared slavery to holding a wolf by its ears, and he prayed that public opinion would one day end it. Thomas Jefferson and John Adams died on the same day—July 4, 1826. On his death bed at Monticello, Jefferson murmured, "This is the Fourth?” In his last letter to Adams, he reflected on liberty: The general spread of the light of science has already laid open to every view the palpable truth, that the mass of mankind has not been born with saddles on their backs, nor a favored few booted and spurred, ready to ride them legitimately, by the grace of God. Did Jefferson’s opposition to slavery stem, at least in part, from the bondage in which he saw Sally Hemings and her—or their—children live? (He eventually freed five members of the Hemings family, but not Sally.) If his relationship with her was as it appears—the evidence is so strong that the Monticello foundation now acknowledges it on tours of the Jefferson home—it may well have contributed to his
struggle with the meaning of liberty.